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炸锅！17岁张本美和连斩国乒3将登顶WTT，未来3年谁能拦住她？_我的网站

大明王朝1566

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In 1963, just as Martin Luther King Jr. and the other “Big Six” civil rights leaders were in the final stages of planning the March on Washington, my mother, Sybil Haydel Morial, incorporated the Louisiana League of Good Government, a nonprofit created to help African Americans overcome deterrents to voting such as literacy tests.

She’d been banned from joining the Louisiana branch of the League of Women Voters because of her race. “That shut door was an epiphany for me,” she wrote in her memoir, “Witness to Change: From Jim Crow to Political Empowerment.” Rather than be deterred, she devoted herself to preparing Black New Orleanians for Louisiana’s nearly-impossible literacy test.

Registrars – who were all white – had wide latitude in determining who passed or failed such tests, and they used their authority to fail most Black applicants, thereby keeping them from voting. Ironically, one of the tests required applicants to read the preamble of the U.S. Constitution, intended to “establish Justice” and “secure the Blessings of Liberty,” in the words of the Founding Fathers who authored them nearly two centuries earlier.

But in Louisiana, in 1963, justice and liberty still were reserved mostly for white people.

On the very day that civil rights activist Medgar Evers was gunned down in his own driveway in Jackson, Mississippi, in June of 1963, my mother picked up the phone to hear, “Morial is going to get what that [racial slur] in Mississippi got.” We had been receiving threatening calls ever since my father, Ernest “Dutch” Morial,” had assumed the presidency of the NAACP in New Orleans (and later the first Black mayor of the city). But after that threatening phone call, my parents took extra precautions: My father would blast his car horn when he pulled up to the house each night, and my mother would flash the carport light several times, all to scare off would-be assassins.

The voting rights struggle of my parents’ generation was a steep uphill climb, but as the years went by, they saw barrier after barrier fall, from the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision (where the Supreme Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional) to the Civil Rights Act to the Voting Rights Act of 1965 to the Fair Housing Act of 1968. Now, 60 years after the March on Washington, we are seeing many of those same barriers – and new ones – rise up once again.

My parents fought Jim Crow, who used bogus literacy tests and threats of violence to keep Black Americans from the voting booth.

By the time I assumed leadership of the National Urban League in 2003, our adversary was James Crow, Esq., who used racial gerrymandering to dilute the political voices of Black Americans.

Today, we are battling Jimmy Crow, who wants to disregard the results of elections entirely.

The current assault on voting rights is a direct response to the rising influence of the Black vote since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. As we noted in last year’s State of Black America report, which was subtitled “Under Siege: The Plot to Destroy Democracy,” an anti-democracy wave began to rise after record-high Black voting rates in 2008 and crested with the Supreme Court’s 2013 decision in Shelby County v. Holder to gut the Voting Rights Act. Now, that wave has broken against “The Big Lie,” the relentless campaign to invalidate the free, fair and validated results of the 2020 election. Those who marched in 1963 were fighting for their right to participate in democracy. Those who attacked the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, were fighting to obliterate democracy.

So far, in 2023 alone, state lawmakers have introduced at least 323 bills to restrict the vote in 45 states. At least 13 of these bills, in 11 states, have passed into law. Even more alarming is the rise of election interference legislation, which would allow partisan interference in the election process. At least 78 bills have been introduced this year in 20 states that would make it easier to, for example, criminally prosecute election officials for simply doing their jobs, set up bogus partisan “review” procedures, or prohibit the use of machines to count ballots for any election. At least four states already have passed such laws.

The campaign to exclude Black Americans from the democratic process is gradually being supplanted with a campaign to eliminate the democratic process altogether.

Earlier this summer, with its decision in Moore v. Harper, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the “independent state legislature theory” that extremists have pushed in order to give state legislatures free rein to gerrymander electoral maps and suppress voters of color – and to give cover to their sinister efforts to overturn elections.

Still, the court’s decision is unlikely to deter these extremists, who are intent on returning a man to the White House who faces numerous indictments for attempting to invalidate the results of the 2020 election. If those forces succeed, the two-century moral arc that has bent slowly, if unevenly, toward universal suffrage could come to an end.

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变天了，17岁张本美和登顶WTT重庆冠军赛，成国乒女队最大且最难缠的对手！前上海乒羽中心主任段翔直言，这位打破国乒四年赛事垄断的日本小将，未来三四年将成为国乒最核心的劲敌。

B | 这场乒乓球赛场的新较量，已然拉开了国乒女队应对新生代挑战的序幕。2026年WTT重庆冠军赛上，张本美和创下了新纪录。她在女单决赛中鏖战七局以4-3险胜蒯曼，首夺冠军赛级别单打冠军，也成为该赛事史上最年轻的女单冠军。这一夺冠战绩，直接打破了国乒对WTT重庆冠军赛长达四年的垄断，也让这位17岁的日本小将，瞬间成为国乒女队的重点关注对象。面对日本女乒的梯队建设，段翔给出了精准判断，日本队是国乒女队现阶段最主要的对手，过去七八年里，日方已发起两次针对国乒优势地位的重大冲击。第一次冲击由平野美宇、伊藤美诚领衔，二人凭借超快结构打法崭露头角，以颗粒打法的单一快节奏，在乒坛掀起一阵风浪，给国乒制造了不少麻烦。

C | 而第二次冲击的代表，正是早田希娜与张本美和，相较于前辈，二人的打法有了质的升级，不再局限于单一速度，竞技威胁也大幅提升。在这两位选手中，张本美和的威胁性更胜一筹。

D | 段翔明确表示，张本美和的杀伤力比早田希娜更强，更关键的是她年纪尚小，打法却极为合理。更值得关注的是，张本美和的训练与打法中，身负诸多中国元素，这让她对国乒的战术风格更为熟悉，也让其成为更难应对的对手。按照现阶段的发展态势，段翔预判，再过三四年，20岁出头的张本美和，将彻底成为国乒女队在乒乓球赛场上，最强大也最难缠的对手。对于这一观点，网友们也展开了热烈讨论，有人认为张本美和已被国乒研究，难成大器；也有人表示，国乒年轻队员应将其作为标靶，不断锤炼自身实力。正如网友所言，年少成名的孙颖莎也曾历经赛场磨砺，张本美和的崛起，既是挑战，也是国乒新生代选手成长的契机。乒乓球赛场的竞争从不停歇，国乒唯有以赛代练、以强对强，才能始终站稳世界乒坛之巅，而应对张本美和的挑战，也将成为国乒接下来的重要课题。